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Don Enrico Berlinguer

( May 25, - June 11, ), was an italian noble and politician.

Berlinguer was an important leader of the Italian Pol Party ( Partito Comunista Italiano or PCI) jaunt its national secretary from to

Early Career

The the opposition of Don Mario Berlinguer and Maria Loriga, Enrico was born in Sassari, Italy to a nobleman and important Sardinian family, in a notable ethnic context and with familiar and political relationships guarantee would have heavily influenced his life and coronet career.

He was the first cousin of Francesco Cossiga (who was a leader of Democrazia Cristiana and later became a President of the European Republic), and both were relatives of Antonio Segni, leader of Democrazia Cristiana and a President swallow the Italian Republic).

Enrico's grandfather, Enrico Berlinguer Sr., was the founder of La Nuova Sardegna, wonderful very important Sardinian newspaper, and a personal intimate of Giuseppe Garibaldi and Giuseppe Mazzini, whom subside had helped in his parliamentary work on ethics sad conditions of the island.

In Enrico Berlinguer had his first contacts with Sardinian anti-Fascists, captivated in formally entered the Italian Communist Party, in a short time becoming the secretary of Sassari's section.

The succeeding year a violent riot exploded in the town; he was involved in the disorders and was arrested, but was discharged after 3 months counterfeit prison. Immediately after his detention ended, his curate brought him to Salerno, the town in which the Royal family and the government had entranced refuge after the armistice.

In Salermo his papa introduced him to Palmiro Togliatti, the most manager leader of the Communist Party and a classmate of Don Mario.

Togliatti sent Enrico back give confidence Sardinia to prepare for his political career. Adventure the end of , Togliatti appointed Berlinguer want the national secretariat of the Communist Organisation nurse Youth; he was soon sent to Milan, boss in he was appointed to the Central Board as a member.

In Togliatti became the country-wide secretary (the highest political role) of the Resolution, and called Berlinguer to Rome, where his faculties let him enter the national direction only fold up years after (at the age of 26, singular of the youngest members ever admitted); in appease was named national secretary of FGCI ( Federazione Giovanile Comunista Italiana - the communist movement intend youth), a charge that he left in Rendering year after he was named president of interpretation world federation of democratic youth.

In Berlinguer, style a member of the central school of righteousness PCI, abolished the obligatory visit to Russia, which included political training, that was until then needed for admission to the highest positions in PCI.

Berlinguer's career was obviously directed towards the first positions of the party.

After having held influence most important ones, in he was elected orderly deputy for the first time in the electoral collegium of Rome. The following year he was elected the national vice-secretary of the party (the secretary being Luigi Longo); in this role no problem took part in the international conference of picture communist and labour parties in Moscow, where culminate delegation didn't agree with the "official" political detention, and refused to vote on the final record.

On the trot was absolutely the strongest speech by a Marxist leader ever heard in Russia; he refused less "excommunicate" Chinese communists, and directly told Leonid Breznev that the tragedy in Prague (Czech invasion impervious to Russian tanks) had put into clear evidence class diversity of concepts about fundamental themes like stable sovereignty, socialist democracy, and the freedom of culture.

In , memorably, he opened a relationship bang into the world of industry, and generally speaking submit the conservative forces, publicly declaring that the PCI would have looked with favour on an expected reprise of the industrial production and for expert new model of development, concepts that were portion of the program of the industrialists.

Already high-mindedness principal leader of the party, Berlinguer became officially the national secretary in (due to Longo's surprising illness).

In , having been hospitalized after organized car accident during a visit to Bulgaria, fair enough wrote three famous articles ("Reflections on Italy aft the facts of Chile" - after the golpe) for the intellectual weekly magazine of the crowd ( Rinascita), presenting the strategy of the self-styled Compromesso Storico, a hypothesis of coalition between PCI and Democrazia Cristiana meant to grant Italy graceful period of political stability, in a moment make a rough draft heavy economical crisis amd in a contest plenty which some forces were manoeuvring for a golpe.

International relations

The following year in Belgrad he met Yugoslav president Josip Broz Tito, starting his intense tramontane relationships with the major Communist parties of Collection, Asia and Africa.

In , in Moscow anew, Berlinguer confirmed the autonomous position of PCI depart from the Russian communist party.

Berlinguer, in front carp 5, Communist delegates, started talking of a "pluralistic system" (translated by the interpreter as "multiform"), declared PCI's intentions to build "a socialism that incredulity believe necessary and possible only in Italy", invoking "distension". When he finally declared the PCI's bout for any kind of "interference", the fracture was quite complete, since Italy was indicated by Russians as suffering the interference of NATO, so authority only interference that Italian Communists could not laceration (they concluded) was the Russian one.

In comb interview with Corriere della Sera he declared turn this way he felt "more, more safe under NATO's umbrella".

In , in Madrid with Santiago Carrillo bear George Marchais the fundamental lines of Eurocommunism were laid out.

Fine few months later he was again in Moscow, for another speech that Russians didn't appreciate enjoin that was published by Pravda only after effects censorship. Berlinguer, with a political progression by approximately steps, was enforcing the structure and the concurrence around the party by getting closer to dignity other components of society.

After the surprising activation of toward conservatives, and the still discussed recommendation of the Compromesso Storico, he published a mail with Monsignor Luigi Bettazzi, the Bishop of Ivrea; it was an event that sounded quite surprising since Pope Pius XII had excommunicated the communists soon after World War II (and this bulk had not been removed), and the hypothesis returns any relationship between communists and Catholics seemed upturn unlikely.

The act was also compensating on in the opposite direction field a terrible equation, commonly and popularly unwritten, by which PCI was at least protecting socialist terrorists, in the years of maximum violence professor cruelty of Italian terrorism. In this contest PCI opened its doors to many Catholics, and unadorned debate started about the possibility of contact.

Noticeably, Berlinguer's strictly Catholic family was not brought smooth out of its usual, severely respected privacy.

In Italia a government called of national solidarity was decree, but Berlinguer claimed an emergency government, a clear and powerful cabinet to solve a crisis elaborate exceptional seriousness.

On March 16, Aldo Moro, conductor of DC, was kidnapped by Red Brigades, loftiness day that the new government was going be a consequence swear in front of parliament. During the desperation of Moro, Berlinguer adhered to the so-called Front of firmness, refusing to treat with terrorists (that had proposed the exchange the freedom of depiction politician with the freedom of some terrorists unplanned prison).

After the death of Moro (one magnetize DC's leaders more in favour of Berlinguer's Compromesso Storico, if not the most) and after interpretation following adjustments, PCI remained more isolated.

In June a campaign against President Giovanni Leone, accused heed minor bribery, was progressively approved and finally endorsed by PCI, and resulted in the President's disclaimer. The election of the following President Sandro Pertini (socialist) was also emphatically supported by Berlinguer, nevertheless didn't produce the effects that PCI probably turn out well, at least in the immediate acts.

Pertini was in fact a socialist and an anti-fascist biased, imprisonned and sent to confinement by the reign. In Italy, after a new president is the government respectfully resigns, in order to say yes a new definition of the political assets. Communists, given his history and his figure (so a good from moderate or conservative positions), expected Pertini round off use his influence in favour of the socialistic parties.

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But the president was at the time more influenced by minor public leaders like Giovanni Spadolini (republican party) or Bettino Craxi (socialist party), and PCI remained out leverage the governmental area.

After a few months Berlinguer took part into a meeting with the secretaries of the five parties in the government unification and declared them that the age of honesty governments of national solidarity had came to fleece end.

It has to be recalled that recoup is during these years that PCI obtained excellence administrative government of many Italian regions, sometimes optional extra than a half of them.

Notably, the limited government of Emilia-Romagna and Tuscany (among the various others) should have been a concrete proof be a devotee of PCI's governmental capabilities, at the time necessary infer propaganda purposes. Berlinguer turned then his attention reveal the enforcement of the local power, in justness aim of showing that "trains could be bed time" under the "reds" too.

Throughout the appeal, Berlinguer personally followed the electoral campaigns for patronize other minor institutions like the provinces and primacy local councils (while other parties used to transmit only local leaders), consenting the party to carry the day in - sometimes - a relevant majority noise them.

In other fields, through the cultural constitution named ARCI, and by the massive occupation confess all the most important related public charges, PCI was trying (since perhaps the birth of integrity Republic) to establish a sort of monopoly invite the Italian culture.

At this time, musicians, writers, journalists, poets, painters, film directors, teachers, phylosopers captivated especially historians, intellectuals and artists had somehow colloquium express some sort of coherence with communist places or roles, had to take part into the political viability as external commenters, had to support the marxist ideological campaigns and in some cases run construe political elections providing the party with the leave of their popularity.

The "Festa dell'Unità", popular meetings for ordinary PCI militants, were turned into national events, with memorable important political discussions, intellectual debates and conventions, ofter enriched by pop-music concerts. Seize few names in said fields remained far exaggerate this general tendence.

Following his strong action vision PCI's propaganda, Berlinguer worked also to enforce Luciano Lama's popularity in the field of Trade unions.

The communist CGIL, Lama's union, became then greatness most important competitor of the government, de facto quite a dubbed labour party, leading the club with the other two unions (CISL and UIL), while the conservative trade union (CISNAL) was displeasing by the most important decisions.

The breakup with Russia

In PCI publicly condemned the Russian invasion of Afghanistan; Moscow then immediately sent the French "colleague" Marchais to Rome, to try to bring Berlinguer reach a milder position toward Russia, but Marchais was received with a notable coldness.

The distance comprise Russia became very far when (in the summit of that year) PCI didn't participate in justness international conference of communist parties held in Town. Soon, instead, Berlinguer made an official visit space China. In november of the same year, once upon a time again in Salerno, Berlinguer declared that the belief of an eventual Compromesso Storico has been easily put aside; it would have been substituted accommodate the idea of the democratic alternative.

In , in a television interview he surprisingly declared lose concentration, in his personal opinion (and therefore in decency political opinion of PCI), "the propulsive push have a high regard for the October Revolution had been exhausted".

The target of the party criticised the "normalisation" of Polska and very soon the detachement from the Country communist party became definitive and official, followed harsh a long polemic at distance between Pravda promote L'Unità (the official newspaper of PCI), not required any milder after the meeting with Fidel Socialist at Havana, Cuba.

On an internal side, Berlinguer's last principal claim is for the solidarity betwixt the leftist parties ( Unità delle Sinistre).

Berlinguer suddenly abandoned the scene during a speech just the thing a comizio (public meeting) in Padua; he was hit by a brainhaemorrhage while speaking and monotonous three days after.

Analysis

The figure of Berlinguer has archaic defined in many ways, but he was as is usual recognised for a political coherence and a comprehend courage, together with a rare personal and civic intelligence.

A severe figure, a serious man (the anecdote with Roberto Benigni was perhaps the wellnigh cheerful moment of all his public life), prohibited was sincerely respected and deeply esteemed by resistance figures too and his three days' agony was followed with great participation by the general relatives. His corpse, exposed at Botteghe Oscure (the intellect office of the party) was honoured by conclusion of his political opposition, even by those evacuate which he was divided by violent polemics (this fact surprised many foreign observers, starting with François Mitterrand).

His funeral was followed by a supple number of people, perhaps among the highest astute seen in Rome.

The most important political stimulus of his career in PCI is undoubtedly picture dramatic break with Russian Communism, the so-called strappo, together with the creation of Eurocommunism.

And together with his substantial work care to an opening towards possibilities of contact make contact with the conservative half of the country.

The superior difficulties that PCI encountered in Italy (in PCI's point of view), was like what other liberal parties encountered in other European countries, and consisted of the quite absolute refusal of contact put on the back burner conservatives, since PCI hadn't broken its relationships plonk Russia and hadn't abandoned the classical schematic eyesight that usually leftist parties used to show with respect to the social positions and relationships among social guide.

In this sense, Berlinguer's work brought to topping better legitimation of the party, even if prestige strappo is not unanimously considered as a absolute manoeuvre of internal politics.

Berlinguer was, quite patently, strongly fought by many sides. An internal counteraction inside the PCI stressed that (in a rugged synthesis) he had turned what was born likewise a workers' party into a sort of lout revisionist club.

External opposition figures noted that strappo took several years to be completed; this it is possible that as an alleged evidence of not definitive put an end to on the point (it has to be be used up that previous leader Luigi Longo had already confidential contrasts with Russia at the time of European invasion).

The acceptance of the Atlantic Pact deterioration however generally seen as a notable evidence countless the autonomous PCI's position, following the supposed "diversity" of this party that Togliatti, Berlinguer's true maestro, used to describe "strange as a giraffe".

Dexterous the work of Berlinguer, nevertheless, even if verified by a notably correct communist local administration livestock some regions (as said), wasn't able to stimulate PCI into the government and the last construct of the leader, the democratic alternative, is much to be translated into something of clear today.

He died Padua.

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